The Biggest Issue Behind the New York Prison Guard Strike

The HALT Solitary Confinement Act altered the balance of power within New York’s prisons.

Chris Gelardi   ·   February 20, 2025
Residential rehabilitation and official solitary confinement units together hold hundreds more people each day than were held in solitary before the HALT Solitary law went into effect. | Matthew Ansley

The New York state prison system is teetering on disaster as guards have staged an unsanctioned wildcat strike at almost all of its 42 facilities. Governor Kathy Hochul has deployed the National Guard and, on Wednesday, obtained a court order mandating that corrections officers return to work.

While striking officers have been mostly mum to the press, Assemblymember Scott Gray, who visited picket lines outside three northern New York prisons and went inside two this week, told New York Focus that they’re determined to wrest concessions from the state and from their employer, the Department of Corrections and Community Supervision.

“The members seem to be resolved in their determination to hang tight until some sort of corrective action is taken,” he said. To facilitate negotiations, the picketers are working on paring down their original list of 13 demands, Gray said.

The guards will likely stick to their guns on pay and staffing issues. They also appear resolute on one of their most ambitious demands: repealing a four-year-old solitary confinement reform law. That would likely require action by the slow-moving and relatively progressive state legislature, though both Gray and the union’s executive vice president have told New York Focus that officers are asking the governor to explore what authority she has to chip away at the law.

New York’s prison guards have railed against the solitary confinement law, the 2021 Humane Alternatives to Long-Term (HALT) Solitary Confinement Act, since its infancy. The lengthy legislation overhauled the rules surrounding carceral isolation in New York: Among other provisions, it restricted the types of people prisons and jails could send to traditional solitary confinement; limited it to 15 consecutive days (the point at which international human rights bodies deem it torture); and enumerated higher treatment standards for people whom facilities wanted to isolate for longer.

While the guards haven’t been able to overturn it — their union unsuccessfully sued to stop HALT before it even went into effect — DOCCS administration has crafted legal interpretations to ignore aspects of the law. The agency has flouted prohibitions on sending disabled people to solitary, sending people to solitary for minor infractions, prolonged denial of social interaction, and others, as New York Focus and lawsuits have documented.

One underappreciated aspect of the law is that it gave incarcerated people viable ways to contest unjust punishment. It mandates timely disciplinary hearings before sending someone to solitary and gives prisoners the right to representation at those hearings.

In this way, HALT not only moved the needle on humanitarian conditions in New York prisons and jails — it also altered the balance of power. Since its enactment, activist-minded incarcerated people have taken up roles as “jailhouse lawyers” representing their blockmates. They build cases, introduce camera footage and other evidence, and force officers to justify the sanctions they hand down — a novel dynamic in a setting unused to procedural justice.

Incarcerated men at Green Haven Correctional Facility experienced both the power and limits of that dynamic after a lockdown in October 2023. According to a lawsuit, guards went cell-by-cell conducting searches, then attacked incarcerated people, punching and kicking dozens in what they describe as an unprovoked, eight-day, systematic beatdown. Guards proceeded to write up alleged victims for assault and violence — a common tactic to cover up abuse, incarcerated people have long asserted. But many reported that they were cleared of the charges after disciplinary hearing officers reviewed video of the beatings. While they experienced injury, they avoided the added insult.

“It’s going to come down to safety and staffing.”

—Assemblymember Scott Gray

Of course, the clearing of the Green Haven men’s charges did nothing to hold the allegedly violent guards accountable. Abusive New York prison guards have long enjoyed impunity, made possible by their union’s arbitration agreement with DOCCS, a culture of silence, and the prison system’s lackluster internal investigations apparatus.

Those many layers of impunity cracked in December, when guards unwittingly recorded themselves beating a handcuffed Robert Brooks to death at Marcy Correctional Facility. The state attorney general released the footage, prompting national outrage and quick attempts by the state and DOCCS administration to prove that they took the violence seriously. While Brooks has faded from the national headlines, the issue is still hot in Albany, where just last week horrified legislators grilled the prison commissioner for three hours about officer abuse.

“It made me question everything,” the commissioner, Daniel Martuscello, said at the hearing. Brooks’s father testified just a few hours later. He scolded the commissioner, garnering yet more headlines about officer abuse.

With the strike, state prison guards have retaken the narrative. They haven’t mentioned Robert Brooks — but HALT, by their telling, puts them in danger. Union officials complain that the restrictions on whom they can send to solitary and how quickly they can send them there eliminates the fear they used to keep them in line.

Other officers have complained that HALT actually makes isolation appealing. “People don’t understand: The special house units” — where people serve solitary confinement sentences — “you actually have a higher degree of access to mental health, medical services, you name it,” a retired corrections officer told New York Focus last year.

As of February 1, 79 percent of people in isolation needed substance abuse treatment and 37 percent were on the mental health caseload. DOCCS is experiencing an even greater staffing crisis for support and health workers than corrections officers: One in four health services positions and nearly one in five support service positions, like social workers, are vacant.

Said Gray of the strike: “It’s going to come down to safety and staffing.”

BEFORE YOU GO, consider: If not for the article you just read, would the information in it be public?

Or would it remain hidden — buried within the confines of New York’s sprawling criminal-legal apparatus?

I started working at New York Focus in 2022, not long after the outlet launched. Since that time, our reporters and editors have been vigorously scrutinizing every facet of the Empire State’s criminal justice institutions, investigating power players and the impact of policy on state prisons, county jails, and local police and courts — always with an eye toward what it means for people involved in the system.

That system works hard to make those people invisible, and it shields those at the top from scrutiny. And without rigorous, resource-intensive journalism, it would all operate with significantly more impunity.

Only a handful of journalists do this type of work in New York. In the last decades, the number of local news outlets in the state has nearly halved, making our coverage all the more critical. Our criminal justice reporting has been cited in lawsuits, spurred legislation, and led to the rescission of statewide policies. With your help, we can continue to do this work, and go even deeper: We have endless ideas for more ambitious projects and harder hitting investigations. But we need your help.

As a small, nonprofit outlet, we rely on our readers to support our journalism. If you’re able, please consider supporting us with a one-time or monthly gift. We so appreciate your help.

Here’s to a more just, more transparent New York.

Chris Gelardi
Criminal Justice Investigative Reporter
Chris Gelardi is a reporter for New York Focus investigating the state’s criminal-legal system. His work has appeared in more than a dozen other outlets, most frequently The Nation, The Intercept, and The Appeal. He is a past recipient of awards from Columbia… more
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