Rounding up the week's stories from New York Focus.
Rounding up the week's stories from New York Focus. ·  View in browser

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Alexander Reed (left) has spent 31 years behind bars for a murder he says he didn’t commit. Courtesy of Javon Reed
Prisoners seeking help from the AG’s office have little chance of review. Here’s one applicant’s story.
By Curtis Brodner

When the New York Attorney General’s conviction review bureau gets involved in someone’s wrongful conviction case, it often succumbs to pressure from the county prosecutors who originally landed them in prison. But in the vast majority of cases, the bureau doesn’t get that far. Instead, it acts as a mail forwarding service, passing cases on to the prosecutors who originally tried them.

That’s what happened to Alexander Reed.

The New York AG conviction review bureau has rarely intervened in potential wrongful conviction cases, despite receiving hundreds of pleas from incarcerated New Yorkers. Jess Suttner/New York Focus
The attorney general’s conviction review bureau has investigated just a handful of innocence claims of the hundreds it’s received since 2012.
By Willow Higgins and Curtis Brodner

Anthony DiPippo was in his prison cell one day in 2014 when he spotted a letter on the floor, lying beyond his reach on the other side of the bars. He noticed a logo: the New York Attorney General’s Office.

That’s the one, DiPippo thought.

He’d been waiting to hear from a department within the attorney general’s office that investigates wrongful conviction claims.

In 2021, Drew Forsythe, the chief of police in Greece, N.Y., drank at an awards gala and then crashed into a guardrail shortly before 1 a.m., according to disciplinary files. Will Cleveland/Democrat and Chronicle
Officers in New York State crashed their official vehicles, hit other motorists and arrived to work reeking of alcohol. And yet, they sometimes evaded criminal punishment, an investigation found.
By Sammy Sussman

This article was published in partnership with The New York Times.

An Orchard Park police officer found the man in the shoulder of a six-lane road, standing near his crumpled black BMW, arguing with his girlfriend.

It was 11 p.m. on a Saturday in 2021, in the suburbs of Buffalo. The BMW had slammed into a Jeep, smashing its left taillight. White high heels were toppled on their sides on the pavement, outside the BMW’s passenger door.

The man’s speech was slurred and his gait was unsteady, the officer, Andrew J. Kowalski, would later note in a report. His eyes were glassy, and he smelled strongly of alcohol.

The officer asked who had been driving. The couple looked at each other.

“We’re State Police,” the woman said. Her boyfriend, Ronald W. Wilson, was an off-duty investigator and had the identification to prove it.

In at least seventeen cases dating from from 2013 to 2023, responding police officers did not take basic steps to confirm if their fellow officers had driven drunk, despite significant indications, finds Sammy Sussman, New York Times/New York Focus Local Investigations Fellow, in a new investigation. Sussman discusses his story on video for New York Focus.

The investigation has so far obtained records regarding 235 departments collectively containing over 8,000 sworn officers, according to state data. Emily Berl for The New York Times
The New York Times and New York Focus gathered thousands of files from around half of New York State’s nearly 500 law enforcement agencies.
By Sammy Sussman

In the immediate aftermath of George Floyd’s killing at the hands of Minneapolis police officers in 2020, New York State repealed a law that for decades kept the disciplinary records of its police officers secret.

New York Focus and The New York Times have since gathered over 10,000 such files from around half of New York State’s nearly 500 law enforcement agencies. The documents, most of which are from the past 10 years, provide a window into how some officers at the state, county and local levels have avoided accountability in court despite relatively clear evidence that they broke the law.

A group of young people with Special Immigrant Juvenile status filed a class action lawsuit against the Trump administration over the end of a Biden-era deferred again policy.

Immigration reporter Isabelle Taft shared the story with Radio Catskill.

US Representative Jim Jordan held up a printout of an email exchange between Sheriff Derek Osborne — who was targeted by the Trump administration — and an ICE officer at a congressional hearing on June 12. Screenshot: GOP Oversight/YouTube
GOP Ohio Rep. Jim Jordan blasted New York sanctuary policies during a June congressional hearing. Newly obtained emails tell a different story.
By Julia Rock

When Republicans dragged Democratic governors before Congress in June to testify about sanctuary policies, Governor Kathy Hochul was pressed on one case in particular: a central New York sheriff who had refused Immigration and Customs Enforcement’s request to hold a man in county jail past his release date.

The case had drawn national attention in January, when the Trump administration announced it was investigating Tompkins County Sheriff Derek Osborne for allegedly obstructing ICE in its efforts to arrest the man.

As New York’s only nonprofit statewide newsroom, we’re working to help rebuild a local news ecosystem that has faced years of relentless cuts. Local outlets across the state do phenomenal work and are deeply trusted in their communities — but many have less investigative capacity than they once did, and few are able to cover the state capitol in depth.

That’s where we come in. We publish rigorous investigative and accountability reporting on statewide issues from climate policy to the prison system to the sprawling state budget. And we provide this reporting at no cost to local news outlets across New York to publish online or in print.

Copyright © New York Focus 2024, All rights reserved.
Staying Focused is compiled and written by Alex Arriaga
Contact Alex at alex@nysfocus.com

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