Did New York’s Chief Judge Break the Law to Pick Her Interim Successor?

Janet DiFiore may have gotten a say in picking her interim successor, boosting a judge who has never once voted against her.

Sam Mellins   ·   August 29, 2022
Chief Judge DiFiore and Judge Anthony Cannataro have voted in lockstep in all of the 98 cases the court has heard since Cannataro joined in June 2021 | New York State Unified Court System
Last week, New York’s top court may have violated state law by allowing Chief Judge Janet DiFiore to vote for her interim successor.

In July, DiFiore stunned the New York political world by announcing that she would retire from the court, effective August 31. The resignation touched off an ongoing struggle over her replacement, with progressive legal advocates hoping for an appointment that will reverse the court’s recent sharp rightward turn.

Last week, the court’s seven judges met to select one of their number to serve as acting chief judge until the governor and lawmakers appoint a permanent replacement, likely early next year. The court broke with decades of precedent by selecting one of its most junior members — Judge Anthony Cannataro, a close ally of DiFiore who has never voted differently from her — for the top role.

The law detailing the process for designating an acting chief judge when there’s a vacancy requires that the selection occur “during the period of such vacancy.” Since DiFiore is still Chief Judge until her resignation takes effect later this week, the court may have improperly jumped the gun.

That might seem like nitpicking. Vincent Bonventre, professor at Albany Law School, said that only on a “very strict textualist reading” did the court break the law. And it’s not the first time the court has selected a replacement in advance of a vacancy. But the stakes were higher this time: In Cannataro’s case, the timing of the selection may have determined its outcome.

Control of the court hangs on a single vote, with DiFiore leading a four-judge conservative bloc that voted together in almost every case in the most recent term, effectively determining all the court’s rulings. Those rulings have consistently favored police, employers, and large corporations over criminal defendants, workers, and tenants.

The court had previously been locked in a stalemate over whom to name as acting chief. DiFiore had initially pushed for Judge Michael Garcia — the court’s only registered Republican, often seen as its most conservative judge — but couldn’t corral the necessary support during two days of deliberations in July, Law360 reported.

DiFiore then switched to backing Cannataro, another member of the conservative bloc, who has voted in lockstep with her in every one of the 98 cases the court has heard since he joined in June 2021.

It’s an outrage that the chief would try to pick her own successor on the way out, if indeed that did occur,” state Senate Judiciary Committee Chair Brad Hoylman told New York Focus. “I think this Court is out of touch with New Yorkers. And if this was an attempt by an outgoing chief judge to perpetuate that trend line, it’s a sad day for New York’s highest court.”

The court doesn’t make public the vote count or how individual judges voted, and Court of Appeals spokesperson Gary Spencer declined to answer questions about the vote. But given the previous stalemate and the court’s nearly-even ideological divide, some observers speculated that DiFiore may have cast a tie-breaking vote in favor of Cannataro — a scenario the law may have been written to avoid.

“It’s at least arguable that, in a case like this, you’re supposed to follow the letter of the law and wait for the vacancy to occur precisely because otherwise you’d be giving the chief — who is leaving under a cloud — an improper say in selecting her successor,” said Noah Rosenblum, a professor at New York University School of Law who clerked at the Court of Appeals.

DiFiore is currently under a judicial misconduct investigation for interfering in the disciplinary process for the president of the court officers’ union. Spokespersons for the court have said that her resignation is unrelated to this investigation.

The two most recent acting chief judges were also selected before the previous chief judge left the court. But those selections were uncontroversial, and simply followed the precedent of selecting the most senior judge.

Cannataro has served on the court for less time than Judges Jenny Rivera, Michael Garcia, and Rowan Wilson. Rivera and Wilson are generally seen as the court’s two most liberal judges.

Rivera is the most senior judge, but until recently had refused to get vaccinated against Covid-19 and was thus not permitted to enter court buildings, which some observers thought was an obstacle to her being named acting chief. 

DiFiore’s permanent replacement will be nominated later this year by Governor Hochul from a shortlist prepared by New York’s Commission on Judicial Nomination, then voted on by the state Senate when it reconvenes in early 2023. Until then, acting Chief Judge Cannataro will be responsible both for presiding over the Court of Appeals and setting policy for New York’s court system, which has an annual budget over $3 billion and 16,000 employees.

BEFORE YOU GO, consider: If not for the article you just read, would the information in it be public?

Or would it remain hidden — buried within the confines of New York’s sprawling criminal-legal apparatus?

I started working at New York Focus in 2022, not long after the outlet launched. Since that time, our reporters and editors have been vigorously scrutinizing every facet of the Empire State’s criminal justice institutions, investigating power players and the impact of policy on state prisons, county jails, and local police and courts — always with an eye toward what it means for people involved in the system.

That system works hard to make those people invisible, and it shields those at the top from scrutiny. And without rigorous, resource-intensive journalism, it would all operate with significantly more impunity.

Only a handful of journalists do this type of work in New York. In the last decades, the number of local news outlets in the state has nearly halved, making our coverage all the more critical. Our criminal justice reporting has been cited in lawsuits, spurred legislation, and led to the rescission of statewide policies. With your help, we can continue to do this work, and go even deeper: We have endless ideas for more ambitious projects and harder hitting investigations. But we need your help.

As a small, nonprofit outlet, we rely on our readers to support our journalism. If you’re able, please consider supporting us with a one-time or monthly gift. We so appreciate your help.

Here’s to a more just, more transparent New York.

Chris Gelardi
Criminal Justice Investigative Reporter
Sam Mellins is senior reporter at New York Focus, which he has been a part of since launch day. His reporting has also appeared in The San Francisco Chronicle, The Intercept, THE CITY, and The Nation. 
Also filed in Criminal Justice

One Brighton Beach property connects political donations, Medicaid scams, and a Turkish charity

Trump is poised to ramp up deportation activity in northern states like New York, which has few statewide policies limiting cooperation with federal immigration enforcement.

The state doesn’t publicize officer employment histories, making it impossible to track so-called wandering officers.

Also filed in New York State

Much of Albany’s lawmaking process is controlled by a platoon of mostly young, low-paid employees who craft policy ideas into potential laws. And they’re turning over in droves.

New York Focus traveled across the state to meet with communities about their local news needs.

New York has a little-noticed tool to shift billions of highway dollars to climate-friendly public transit projects. The governor doesn’t seem interested.