Four Takeaways From Our Investigation Into New York’s Judicial Patronage Problem

No time to read our big investigation? Here’s a quick summary of everything you need to know.

Chris Bragg   ·   March 7, 2025
The New York State Supreme Court Building. | Ken Lund / Wikimedia Commons

Throughout the 1990s, favoritism ran rampant in New York City’s court system: Political leaders within the boroughs were getting state Supreme or Surrogate’s Court appointments from the same judges they’d helped elect.

These appointees are charged with managing the finances of New York’s most vulnerable populations — widows, children, and people with cognitive disabilities — and are paid from the same funds they’re managing.

On Wednesday, New York Focus examined how political patronage never left this appointment system, despite reforms implemented two decades ago by then-Chief Judge Judith Kaye.

When lawyers are appointed by judges based on connections, not competence, clients may be forced to pay for less than stellar representation. And when a politically connected lawyer appears before the same judge who appointed them, it can raise other parties’ suspicions in the case.

Here are four key takeaways from our investigation.

Working Around the Kaye Rules

Kaye’s 2002 rules barred a state or county political party chair, executive director, or their “equivalent” from gaining appointment in guardianship, estate and foreclosure proceedings. Also barred: Any law firm “associated” with such a political party official.

“Public confidence in the courts is put at risk when judicial appointments are based on considerations other than merit,” Kaye said in 2000. “Simply put, the public must have faith that the courts operate free of favoritism and partiality.”

But those rules don’t always account for officials with alternative titles who wield significant, but softer, influence.

Tens of Millions of Dollars in Queens

Three decades ago, critics held up Gerard Sweeney’s appointment in Queens as a major example of patronage. All these years later, the appointment continues.

Sweeney was once law chair of the Queens Democratic Party, as well as the campaign treasurer for the party chair during the 1990s. In 1992, the borough’s Surrogate’s Court judge granted Sweeney perhaps the most plum judicial appointment in the entire state — counsel to the Queens County Public Administrator.

Sweeney’s law firm, Sweeney, Reich & Bolz, has reaped many tens of millions of dollars from the post, including more than $3.2 million in 2023.

In 2006, a Kaye amendment to the rules added “counsel to the public administration” to the list of positions that could not be held by an attorney who worked at a law firm “associated” with a party chair or executive director.

The rules also barred a counsel to the public administrator from working at a law firm associated with someone who is the “equivalent” of party chair or executive director.

No one holds the formal title of “executive director” in the county Democratic Party. But the partners at Sweeney, Reich & Bolz have long played a major role in the party’s operations, especially Michael Reich, the party’s longtime “executive secretary.”

Reich has served as a party spokesperson and election lawyer; has overseen party judicial convention meetings; and, along with partner Frank Bolz, comprises two-thirds of a panel that vets potential judges seeking the party’s endorsement.

But Reich does not hold the title of “executive director,” and a 2016 revision to the court rules — which spelled out what could be considered the “equivalent” of a chair or executive director — did not cover Reich, either.

In a lawsuit last year, Sweeney’s political ties to the Queens Surrogate’s Court were used to cast doubt on then-Surrogate Judge Peter Kelly’s impartiality. The lawsuit contended Kelly had improperly favored Sweenedy during settlement negotiations, and alleged the root cause was an “old-time but still operational” political machine in which a “select group of individuals maintain tight control” over a “massive patronage mill.”

A Major Force in the Bronx

When the Bronx Democrats have held their annual judicial nomination convention in recent years, Assemblymember Jeffrey Dinowitz has sat at the front of the room, overseeing the meeting as party secretary. Dinowitz additionally sits on the party’s “executive committee,” which advises party chair Jamaal Bailey on judicial endorsements.

After winning election, a number of borough judges appointed Dinowitz to serve in guardianship and Surrogate’s Court cases. Since 2010, Dinowitz has received 40 appointments from Bronx judges.

After winning election, a number of judges in the borough have then appointed Jeffrey Dinowitz to serve in guardianship and Surrogate’s Court cases. | Former New York AG Eric Schneiderman / Flickr

Dinowitz once held a higher title, serving for years as the chairperson of the Bronx Democratic County Committee. He resigned in 2016 because of an amendment to the court rules, issued by then-Chief Judge Janet DiFiore, expounding on who could be considered the “equivalent” of a party chair or executive director. And though Dinowitz disagreed, the Office of Court Administration (OCA) determined the amendment applied to him.

A “party chair,” or the equivalent, cannot land court appointments until they’ve been out of the position for two years, according to court rules. But during the two years following his resignation, Dinowitz received 20.

Dinowitz recalled that the OCA gave him the green light to go forward with appointments during the two-year window, but did not provide records related to it.

Now, it’s clearly legal for Dinowitz to gain appointments, and irrespective of his formal party title, he remains influential. “I try to have some input and influence in the election of judges,” Dinowitz told New York Focus.

In addition, several politically connected Bronx lawyers have faced questions over their performances as fiduciaries, including:

  • Howard Vargas, a former executive director of the Bronx Democratic Party.

  • Longtime borough powerbroker Stanley Schlein, another counsel to the Bronx Democratic Party.

  • Carl Lucas, another politically connected Bronx lawyer.

Six-figures paid to Brooklyn chair

In 2011, the Long Island-based law firm Abrams Fensterman moved into Brooklyn, absorbing a boutique practice and making Brooklyn political power brokers Frank Carone and Frank Seddio partners.

The next year, Seddio was elected chair of the Brooklyn Democratic Party. But that presented a problem for Abrams Fensterman.

Under the court rules, if Seddio had stayed on as a law firm partner, that would have clearly barred both him and his firm from fiduciary appointments.

As a result, Seddio quietly resigned as a partner in the firm. Abrams Fensterman — which had a long-established guardianship case practice — continued to land the court jobs.

Yet the connection between Seddio and Abrams Fensterman didn’t cease, which raises the question of whether Seddio and the law firm remained “associated.”

At a minimum, Seddio continued making an average of nearly $100,000 a year from Abrams Fensterman. Between 2013 and 2018, Seddio earned between $595,000 and $975,000 from that law firm in “co-counsel fees,” according to financial disclosure forms. Through a separate law firm he founded, Seddio frequently worked with Abrams Fensterman as a co-counsel on commercial litigation.

In addition, Abrams Fensterman paid Seddio between $60,000 and $150,000 to rent part of his Brooklyn law office from 2013 to 2015. It was the same building from which Seddio & Associates operated.

Seddio, the Brooklyn Democratic Party chair, worked alongside Carone, who remained a partner at Abrams Fensterman.

The definition of “associated” in this context is nebulous, and the OCA wouldn’t respond to questions about its interpretation. It’s unclear whether Seddio’s financial ties with Abrams Fensterman should have barred the firm from appointment.

The performance of a firm appointee came into question during that period. The OCA sent a letter to an Abrams Fensterman attorney in 2015 stating her “current unsatisfactory performance may warrant removal” from the list of those eligible to receive appointments.

The attorney, Ellyn Kravitz, had allegedly failed to file timely final accountings in two guardianship cases. She voluntarily resigned from the appointments list.

BEFORE YOU GO, consider: If not for the article you just read, would the information in it be public?

Or would it remain hidden — buried within the confines of New York’s sprawling criminal-legal apparatus?

I started working at New York Focus in 2022, not long after the outlet launched. Since that time, our reporters and editors have been vigorously scrutinizing every facet of the Empire State’s criminal justice institutions, investigating power players and the impact of policy on state prisons, county jails, and local police and courts — always with an eye toward what it means for people involved in the system.

That system works hard to make those people invisible, and it shields those at the top from scrutiny. And without rigorous, resource-intensive journalism, it would all operate with significantly more impunity.

Only a handful of journalists do this type of work in New York. In the last decades, the number of local news outlets in the state has nearly halved, making our coverage all the more critical. Our criminal justice reporting has been cited in lawsuits, spurred legislation, and led to the rescission of statewide policies. With your help, we can continue to do this work, and go even deeper: We have endless ideas for more ambitious projects and harder hitting investigations. But we need your help.

As a small, nonprofit outlet, we rely on our readers to support our journalism. If you’re able, please consider supporting us with a one-time or monthly gift. We so appreciate your help.

Here’s to a more just, more transparent New York.

Chris Gelardi
Criminal Justice Investigative Reporter
Chris Bragg
Chris Bragg is the Albany bureau chief at New York Focus. He has done investigative reporting on New York government and politics since 2009, most recently at The Buffalo News and Albany Times Union.
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