New York Drug Courts Are a Black Box

Mixed evidence was piling up about a signature New York drug policy experiment. Then the state stopped releasing the data.

Spencer Norris   ·   August 4, 2023
Darkened courthouse in New York City
As academics debated proposals to improve drug courts, New York took another route: stop talking about it. | Wally Gobetz

New York stopped paying attention to one of its signature drug policy experiments more than half a decade ago.

When New York’s first drug court opened in Rochester in 1995, reformers had high hopes for the model: Rather than locking people up, the courts promised to connect them with treatment and support. Early results suggested they could dramatically reduce recidivism and help stem the rapidly ballooning prison population. The idea caught on, and by the turn of the century, more than 370 drug courts across the country were operating or in the works.

But by 2016, the results were a mixed bag: Drug courts had enabled tens of thousands of New Yorkers to avoid incarceration, but about half of all participants failed out. To get into the program, many had to plead guilty to the highest charge they faced — and faced automatic prison sentences when they failed. In New York City, just one in three of those who made it through graduated with a job. Two of five wound up on Medicaid.

As academics and advocates debated proposals to improve the system, New York took another route: Stop talking about it.

The state’s court system has not released a report on New York City’s drug courts in seven years. It has largely stopped publishing information on how many people are referred to the program, how many complete treatment, and what their outcomes are. And the last statewide evaluation — which analyzed 86 courts and found a “relatively modest” impact on recidivism — was conducted in 2013.

As a result, drug court has become a black box.

The annual reports need to be ordered by the chief clerk of the city’s criminal court, according to Lisa Lindsay, coordinator for the city’s problem-solving courts, which include drug, domestic violence, and other alternatives to criminal court. Acting Chief Clerk Antonio Diaz has not done so since he was appointed in 2021, she said. Diaz did not respond to requests for comment.

Darren Edwards, a research coordinator on the drug courts, chalks up the long silence to leadership changes, the pandemic, and overhauls to court data systems. “When you combine all those three things together, we’re playing catch-up,” he said. Edwards said he plans to ask for approval to release a 2023 report early next year.

Lucian Chalfen, a spokesman for the state’s courts, said the city reports were “repetitive and duplicative of what we were carrying in other reports and statistics.” Asked for examples of those other reports and data, Chalfen did not respond. Michael Rempel, director of the Data Collaborative for Justice at John Jay College of Criminal Justice, said he didn’t know of any reports that include the missing information.

Meanwhile, the state court system has rebuffed efforts to shed light on drug courts. In 2018, the state rejected a non-profit research organization’s request for data on graduation rates, demographics, and outcomes for participants, as well as their request to interview drug court coordinators.

New York Focus submitted its own records request for detailed drug court dockets earlier this year. After a two-month battle, the Office of Court Administration denied the request.

On Friday, following months of questions, the court system sent New York Focus limited data on problem-solving courts. The data appeared to include current enrollment numbers and cumulative graduation rates, but a spokesperson did not immediately respond to questions about how to interpret its figures. The data also omitted many of the important factors covered by the annual reports, such as participants’ race, gender, treatment received, the type of drug they were using, and outcomes for graduates.

What is known is that drug court participation has plummeted statewide — falling by nearly half since 2019, the Albany Times Union reported. Rempel attributed that decline largely to the bail reforms passed that year, which eliminated the threat of pretrial incarceration for most low-level offenders, a primary incentive to enroll in drug courts.

But hundreds or thousands of New Yorkers are still participating in drug court — and it’s not known who they are, why they are there, or how they are faring.

BEFORE YOU GO, consider: If not for the article you just read, would the information in it be public?

Or would it remain hidden — buried within the confines of New York’s sprawling criminal-legal apparatus?

I started working at New York Focus in 2022, not long after the outlet launched. Since that time, our reporters and editors have been vigorously scrutinizing every facet of the Empire State’s criminal justice institutions, investigating power players and the impact of policy on state prisons, county jails, and local police and courts — always with an eye toward what it means for people involved in the system.

That system works hard to make those people invisible, and it shields those at the top from scrutiny. And without rigorous, resource-intensive journalism, it would all operate with significantly more impunity.

Only a handful of journalists do this type of work in New York. In the last decades, the number of local news outlets in the state has nearly halved, making our coverage all the more critical. Our criminal justice reporting has been cited in lawsuits, spurred legislation, and led to the rescission of statewide policies. With your help, we can continue to do this work, and go even deeper: We have endless ideas for more ambitious projects and harder hitting investigations. But we need your help.

As a small, nonprofit outlet, we rely on our readers to support our journalism. If you’re able, please consider supporting us with a one-time or monthly gift. We so appreciate your help.

Here’s to a more just, more transparent New York.

Chris Gelardi
Criminal Justice Investigative Reporter
Spencer Norris is an investigative reporter covering homelessness for New York Focus and ProPublica’s Local Reporting Network. He has exposed deficiencies in opioid treatment in New York’s jails and prisons, as well as a treatment desert spanning most of upstate. Spencer previously worked… more
Also filed in Criminal Justice

Trump is poised to ramp up deportation activity in northern states like New York, which has few statewide policies limiting cooperation with federal immigration enforcement.

The state doesn’t publicize officer employment histories, making it impossible to track so-called wandering officers.

The police chief in Orange County’s Village of Chester claimed his department had no misconduct records. He was hiding an investigation into his own alleged malfeasance.

Also filed in New York State

A review of Trump’s first term, along with his campaign promises and details found within Project 2025, indicate what’s to come in New York.

Offshore wind is crucial to the state’s plans for cleaning up its electric grid, and construction is already behind schedule. The incoming president could slow it down a whole lot more.

Here’s a simple explanation of a complicated and archaic formula — and why the state is updating it.

Also filed in Health

Suozzi’s unreported financial interest in a promising healthcare startup highlights blurred lines between politics and profit.

A proposal from state Senator Andrew Gounardes would send some new parents $1,800 in the third trimester of pregnancy.

New financial disclosures show when Mujica began consulting for the Greater New York Hospital Association.

Also filed in New York City

Our reporting spurred the disclosure of millions in spending and illuminated the networks behind the Bronx political machine.

Trump picked up some votes in New York this year. But Democrats lost far more.

Last month, we asked five questions about what would happen in the election. Here are the answers.