In Brief: Why Has New York’s Prison Population Declined?

New York’s faster-than-average decarceration has led to dozens of prison closures.

Chris Gelardi   ·   December 19, 2024
Photograph of an empty prison cell with the door open, showing an empty bed with no sheets.
Some of New York's prisons are operating far below capacity. | Photo: RDNE Stock Project / Pexels

From now until Dec. 31, your donation to New York Focus is tripled by matching donors. Support us here.

New York’s prison population has been declining for decades, and at a faster pace than the national prison population — from a high of over 70,000 in 1999 to about 33,500 today. As a result, New York shuttered 24 prisons in the two decades leading to 2023, and a provision in this year’s state budget allowed the Department of Corrections and Community Supervision to quickly close up to five more. It has so far pulled the trigger on two: the notorious Great Meadow prison, just north of Albany, and Sullivan Correctional Facility, near the Catskills.

Meanwhile, some facilities are operating far below capacity. When the Great Meadow closure was announced, for instance, it employed more security personnel than it housed incarcerated people. Rural communities whose economies depend on a local prison are up in arms about well-paying state government jobs moving elsewhere.

How did we get here?

In the 1970s and ’80s, prompted by a nationwide fear over drugs and rising violence, states and the federal government enacted a slate of policies that sent more people to prison for longer, causing the national prison population to balloon.

In 1973, New York enacted one of the nation’s harshest sentencing regimes. Known as the Rockefeller Drug Laws, they included 15-to-life minimum sentences for selling drugs, including cannabis. The federal government later offered states billions of dollars to construct prisons if they had similar laws on the books; New York received over $216 million.

The national prison population started a slow decline after hitting its peak in the late 2000s. In New York, prison decarceration has been more rapid.

One factor in New York’s faster-than-average decline is that it has changed its approach to drug offenses. The revision of sentencing laws — including the Rockefeller package — as well as decreased enforcement of drug crimes and initiatives that gave people convicted of them an opportunity to avoid prison time all contributed to a steady decline in the prison population.

While the number of people imprisoned for crimes categorized as violent fell by 29 percent over the past three decades, the number imprisoned for drugs fell by 87 percent — from about 23,000 to 3,000 — according to data compiled by the Vera Institute’s Greater Justice New York project and shared with New York Focus.

In 1994, drug convictions accounted for about a third of the prison population. They now make up less than 10 percent.

New York City, where over 40 percent of state residents live, has disproportionately contributed to the state’s reduction in drug imprisonments — and to its decreasing prison population overall.

The number of people sent to prison from the city dropped more than 70 percent over the last three decades, whereas the prison population from outside the city is roughly the same as it was in the mid-1990s.

The difference is particularly stark for prison admissions related to violent crime. Those from the city decreased by a quarter between 1999 and 2022, while they increased by over a third throughout the rest of the state.

That’s partly because New York City has seen a drop in reported violent crime since the ’90s. It’s also a result of policy decisions. Starting in the late 2000s — while the New York City Police Department was cracking down on low-level offenses in Black and low-income neighborhoods — the city’s court system aggressively pursued “diversion” initiatives, which allow people convicted of certain crimes to avoid incarceration if they participate in substance treatment, counseling, or other support programs.

Politics likely played a role in the discrepancy between New York City and other regions. Prosecutors and courts are afforded discretion in whether to send people to prison and for how long. Liberal New York City has seen a concerted pushback against mass incarceration and aggressive policing uncommon in more conservative areas of the state. District attorneys and judges — both elected positions in New York — are in tune with the attitudes of their voters.

As with many social trends, Covid-19 threw a wrench in New York’s prison decarceration. For the first time since the 1990s, the state prison population has increased for two years in a row.

That’s likely in part due to increased crime. Jurisdictions across the United States experienced the uptick in interpersonal violence that accompanied the social and economic upheaval of a global pandemic.

There are likely also bureaucratic reasons for the slight rise in recent prison admissions. Even though peak Covid saw increased violence, courts were either shut down or operating at limited capacity, leaving many who would be convicted waiting for court dates; admissions increased as courts worked through the backlog. Quarantine procedures also delayed custody transfers, leaving people sentenced to prison time stuck in their county jails.

It’s still too early to tell where, after the peak of the pandemic, New York’s prison population trajectory is headed.

BEFORE YOU GO, consider: If not for the article you just read, would the information in it be public?

Or would it remain hidden — buried within the confines of New York’s sprawling criminal-legal apparatus?

I started working at New York Focus in 2022, not long after the outlet launched. Since that time, our reporters and editors have been vigorously scrutinizing every facet of the Empire State’s criminal justice institutions, investigating power players and the impact of policy on state prisons, county jails, and local police and courts — always with an eye toward what it means for people involved in the system.

That system works hard to make those people invisible, and it shields those at the top from scrutiny. And without rigorous, resource-intensive journalism, it would all operate with significantly more impunity.

Only a handful of journalists do this type of work in New York. In the last decades, the number of local news outlets in the state has nearly halved, making our coverage all the more critical. Our criminal justice reporting has been cited in lawsuits, spurred legislation, and led to the rescission of statewide policies. With your help, we can continue to do this work, and go even deeper: We have endless ideas for more ambitious projects and harder hitting investigations. But we need your help.

As a small, nonprofit outlet, we rely on our readers to support our journalism. If you’re able, please consider supporting us with a one-time or monthly gift. We so appreciate your help.

Here’s to a more just, more transparent New York.

Chris Gelardi
Criminal Justice Investigative Reporter
Chris Gelardi is a reporter for New York Focus investigating the state’s criminal-legal system. His work has appeared in more than a dozen other outlets, most frequently The Nation, The Intercept, and The Appeal. He is a past recipient of awards from Columbia… more
Also filed in Criminal Justice

One Brighton Beach property connects political donations, Medicaid scams, and a Turkish charity

Trump is poised to ramp up deportation activity in northern states like New York, which has few statewide policies limiting cooperation with federal immigration enforcement.

The state doesn’t publicize officer employment histories, making it impossible to track so-called wandering officers.

Also filed in New York State

New York’s push for electric school buses by 2027 has districts across the state struggling with voter approval and funding.

The foundation offered few explanations for its hefty spending on overhead, or what it’s doing with millions in government grants.

The Business Council, whose members include major warehouse owners UPS and Amazon, is pressing Governor Kathy Hochul to veto or amend the bill.

Also filed in New York City

The NYC Law Department, which runs the city’s insurance program, has been cited over 10,000 times for legal infractions each year since the pandemic.

New York could see more frequent and destructive blazes, but the state doesn’t have enough forest rangers and firefighters to respond to the growing threat.

Also filed in Explainers

In a state known for scandals, Albany’s ethics enforcement has long been criticized.

Here’s a simple explanation of a complicated and archaic formula — and why the state is updating it.

Some want New York to rethink its climate mandates. Could new gas plants be on the table?