New York’s Safety Net Workers Push for a Bigger Bump in Contracts

The governor, Senate, and Assembly all have different ideas for how to implement this year’s increases for human services contracts.

Jie Jenny Zou   ·   March 25, 2026
Thousands of safety net workers have been excluded from the state’s cost-of-living adjustment. | Photos: Douglas Rissing/Getty Images; chonesstock, Victor Plop/Canva | Illustration: Leor Stylar

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Zereita Bleary has spent the past eight years helping New Yorkers avoid eviction, but says the state has done too little to help her in return.

She works full time as a program coordinator for University Settlement’s Project Home, which is contracted by the state to help residents stay in their homes. But her program is among several excluded from annual state contract increases, something she and others are hoping will change in this year’s budget.

“It’s definitely impacted our pockets,” Bleary said of the sector’s stagnant wages. “We’re having to make hard choices about what we can afford.” To make ends meet, the self-proclaimed “hustle mama” has turned to moonlighting as a realtor and picking up night shifts caring for elderly and disabled New Yorkers.

Enacted decades ago to help the state’s nonprofit contractors cover rising costs, the policy governing the annual increase has not been updated over time to reflect all human service contracts. For instance, recent increases have included workers under the Empire State Supportive Housing Initiative, but not those employed through the state’s Supportive Housing Program — even though the workers may be employed by the same contracted nonprofit and carry out the same duties. Meanwhile, other program areas, like domestic violence, have always been excluded.

Legislators estimate that at least 14 programs encompassing thousands of workers aren’t included in the annual contract increases.

Even when nonprofits are eligible for the annual cost-of-living adjustments (COLAs), the increases have often failed to cover inflation. That’s if the nonprofits receive the annual increases at all; under Governor Andrew Cuomo, the adjustments were routinely bypassed in the name of fiscal austerity.

The increases are typically hashed out during the state’s annual budget negotiations, an opaque process that happens almost entirely behind closed doors in Albany. This year, Governor Kathy Hochul proposed a 1.7 percent “Targeted Inflationary Increase” for eligible social service providers but did not specify how much of that bump would go directly toward salaries.

The Senate and Assembly both proposed a 4 percent increase, though the specifics vary. The Senate wants to expand which contracts are included and earmarked 1.3 percent specifically for increasing worker salaries, whereas the Assembly did not call for an expansion and wants 2.3 percent to go toward salaries.

Workers, meanwhile, called for a 2.7 percent increase that matches actual inflation tracked by the Consumer Price Index over the past year. They also want all programs to be included.

“We’re so far behind,” said Michelle Jackson, executive director of the Human Services Council, which represents over 170 organizations that provide services ranging from housing access to mental health counseling.

For Jackson, that’s especially unfair, given what these workers provide. “Over 800,000 human service workers do lifesaving work every day. They’re overwhelmingly people of color and they’re underpaid for their work because of the government.”

Over 70 percent of the state’s human service workers are women and over 50 percent are women of color.

Senator Roxanne Persaud, who is sponsoring legislation to broaden the categories of included workers for the COLA, hopes it will help bring more equitable wages to a historically neglected workforce. “We’ve been escalating this for over three years now,” she wrote in an emailed statement. “While there is significant nuance to this discussion, it simply does not make sense that some programs are favored over others.”

The requirement for a human service COLA has existed in some form since 2006, but the increases aren’t guaranteed. Just one increase happened during Cuomo’s 11-year tenure, amounting to less than a tenth of a percent — a COLA bump so miniscule that Jackson jokingly refers to it as “Coke Zero.”

The drought ended with Hochul, who has provided some increase for the workforce every year since her first budget in 2022. But her proposals have typically amounted to around half of what workers demand. Last year’s budget delivered a modest 2.6 percent increase — far below the 7.8 percent demanded by worker groups and backed by both chambers of the state legislature to combat historic inflation.

Jackson said the minor increases have not been enough to reverse a decade of disinvestment by the state that has worsened workforce turnover and perpetuated high vacancy rates. “I don’t want to say, ‘It’s too little too late,’ but it’s not enough given the current climate,” Jackson said. “She’s calling this her affordability budget and she’s not even paying her own bills.”

Neither the governor nor the state’s budget office responded to requests for comment.

The state’s spotty approach means that nonprofits like University Settlement have had to scrape together funding from other sources to try to retain workers or keep them on even footing. To cover annual cost-of-living raises for state-contracted workers like Bleary, the organization has had to fundraise private money.

“New York is not paying the true cost of the homelessness prevention programs it wants to exist,” said Jennifer Vallone, associate executive director for arts, adults, and advocacy at University Settlement. “When we raise private money, we actually aren’t free to use it in the most flexible or strategic way to truly benefit the communities we serve — we need to dedicate it to subsidizing this work that New York State says it wants to happen.”

United Neighborhood Houses, which represents a coalition of human service organizations including University Settlement, estimates it would cost the state $10 million more to cover excluded workers under Hochul’s 1.7 percent proposal, or $15 million more at the 2.7 percent rate the industry is calling for.

“It simply does not make sense that some programs are favored over others.”

—Senator Roxanne Persaud

Jackson said the governor’s office has not engaged with the Human Services Council when its members have asked for an explanation behind her proposed rate increases or why certain programs remain left out. “It makes us feel like we’re a bargaining chip in the budgeting process,” she added.

Hochul previously shot down another legislative effort aimed at improving the financial outlook for the human services workforce. In December, Hochul vetoed legislation that would have strengthened contract protections for nonprofits that have been paid late or not at all. One recent survey found the state could collectively owe nonprofits over $650 million. Hochul said she vetoed the measure because of potential fraud and higher costs, but vowed to help nonprofit providers by identifying and easing administrative burdens.

Increased caseloads, high staff burnout, and turnover have become the norm for workers like Bleary.

“Our work has gotten more complicated,” she said of her position, which started out primarily as eviction support, but has since expanded to help clients navigate a variety of public benefit programs. That task, Bleary said, has become more complex and time-consuming amid shifting federal requirements.

Bleary’s co-worker, Maria Ortiz, said the state has strong financial incentive to keep positions like theirs filled to avoid exacerbating a housing crisis. “Our programs ensure tenants can remain stably housed on a long-term basis,” she said. “Once people are on the street, it’s much more expensive to get them back into housing.”

Ortiz agreed with Bleary about the changing nature of their work.

“People aren’t coming to us with only one issue anymore,” she said. “Everything has intensified but our pay has remained the same.”

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Jie Jenny Zou covers social services and public benefits for New York Focus. She previously worked as an investigative reporter at the Los Angeles Times and the Center for Public Integrity where she delved into topics ranging from environmental health and worker safety… more
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